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What is it? Why is it so valuable? Should I buy some? How do I buy some? Yes, this is actually happening! And why not? Imagine a gigantic piece of paper that lists every transaction ever completed.

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Those in the betting companies are our friends but we have to agree the government must get its rightful share to build cultural centres and other developments. First, just how big is this industry? A government investigation reported the industry turnover at Sh billion a year. It is also reported that there are 12 million mobile phone-based betting accounts. But according to the Finaccess survey report, 1. The survey was administered on a nationally representative sample of 11, households.

The figure of 1. This in turn suggests that on average, punters spend Sh, per year, or Sh33, per month on betting. The average annual wage in , as reported in the Economic Survey, was Sh, If we assume that the punters are spread across the income spectrum, that is, they are not concentrated in the high income groups, it would suggest that punters are spending more than half their income on gambling. This does not seem plausible. President Uhuru Kenyatta has been quoted maintaining that the investigation is purely a tax compliance matter.

The Sh billion turnover is also inconsistent with the national economic data. The turnover of an industry corresponds to the gross output of a sector in the production accounts. Either the statisticians have missed it altogether, or the Sh billion turnover figure is wrong. SportPesa, reportedly the dominant firm in the industry, has published a statement disclosing its turnover as Sh20 billion. These figures suggest an industry turnover in the Sh25 billion to Sh30 billion range.

Even this lower figure does not reconcile with the national economic data. That said, intermediate outputs vary a lot by sector, from 20 per cent in financial services to 70 per cent in manufacturing. Advertising expenditure would go into intermediate inputs. Still not credible.

The advertising figures are a likely source of this inconsistency. According to the source, the total amount of spending on advertising in the country was Sh billion, and the main media on which it was spent were television, print and radio. There is also another anomaly. The rapid growth should reflect in the GDP. It does not. It does look like the statisticians are not capturing this growth in the national economic data. An industry turnover of Sh25 billion-Sh30 billion together with the figure of , bettors estimated by Finaccess, translates to an average gambling expenditure of between Sh4, and Sh5, per month.

These figures are telling us that most punters spend between Sh and Sh on betting a week—beer money, literary; the Managing Director of Kenya Breweries recently lamented that sports betting has become a serious competitor.

By and large, the much-lamented gambling epidemic appears to be no more than substitution of one vice for another. No doubt there are gambling addicts, there always were, just as there are alcoholics. The only market share figure I could find is reported by the financial market information blog.

We are still left with the Sh billion figure though. Where does it come from? The authorities have not been forthcoming on how the figure was arrived at. I see two possibilities: a purely technical accounting issue, and the money laundering dimension.

The accounting issue is well illustrated by this account of The Broker, a punter who contributed to this discussion on twitter:. Although The Broker gets the gist of it, his math is actually incorrect. His outlay of Sh10, generated three betting transactions totalling Sh22, two Sh10, bets and one Sh2, bet and he lost Sh7, not Sh8, Let us extrapolate: if we work with the Finaccess figure of , punters, the Sh.

The Sh billion turnover is being buttressed by another figure, that of the 12 million betting accounts held with the mobile phone companies. If each account represented a unique customer, then those 12 million accounts would be held by half the adult population. We also know that the vast majority of bettors are the youth.

The 12 million accounts figure is about the same as the total population of the age group, which would suggest that virtually every young person has a betting account. That is a stretch and it stands to reason that some punters will have betting accounts with different companies. Still if we assume that each bettor has four accounts on average, this still translates to three million unique accounts, six times the Finaccess figure of , In its statement, SportPesa gives a figure of , visitors during the first half of Part of this conundrum may be explained by another contribution to this debate on Twitter by one Jerry, who claims to have opened over 10, phantom betting accounts.

Pressed to explain why, Jerry said that it was paid work. Why would betting companies pay people to open phantom accounts? The readily apparent reason is to inflate the size of the business and by so doing be able to pass off laundered monies as revenue, as would massive advertising and high profile sports sponsorships. It turns out that the betting epidemic may not be as big as it is made out to be and indeed, the Finaccess findings may be a more accurate reflection of the size of the industry.

It thus appears that the assault on the betting companies, far from being a general money-laundering investigation, is actually part of the weaponisation of anti-corruption to take down the said well-moneyed senior politician. The vitriolic, lawless modus operandi accords with the manner in which this political warfare is being prosecuted generally. It is also telling, I think, that the onslaught on the betting companies has coincided with the high profile arrests and opening of prosecutions in the Arror and Kimwarer dams corruption case.

Among the revelations from the investigation is that the money laundering trail led to London and Dubai—both are members of the Egmont Group. Hitherto, it mattered not whether the betting business is a Sh20 billion or Sh billion business, whether it was evading taxes, fuelling a gambling epidemic, or even laundering money for drug lords, human and wildlife traffickers and terrorist networks.

You can get away with all that, and even buy protection for all of that, just as long as you steer clear of the struggle for power. The Elephant is helping to build a truly public platform, while producing consistent, quality investigations, opinions and analysis. The Elephant cannot survive and grow without your participation. Now, more than ever, it is vital for The Elephant to reach as many people as possible. Your support helps protect The Elephant's independence and it means we can continue keeping the democratic space free, open and robust.

Every contribution, however big or small, is so valuable for our collective future. Donate Now. These delusions of grandeur are maintained through enterprises like global public health that discursively reinforce conditions suggesting the need for Africa to remain financially and epistemically dependent on Western countries. Africa entered the global COVID discussion in typical fashion—shrouded in a discourse of lament and crisis.

Studies like these were plentiful in the early months of the pandemic. The reality, however, strayed far from the science and expert opinions. This time, the experts began to postulate why Africans were not dying as they had predicted.

The African tragedy is maintained through a valence of objective and quantifiable science that obscures racists and un-reflexive discourses about the continent. Global health, just like development economists, begin their inquiries and predictions for the dissemination of COVID in Africa with a set of assumptions that rely on an undifferentiated continent with no possible positive attributes to contain the spread of the virus.

When some African countries far exceeded expectations, headlines foreshadowed that the worst was yet to come. Here, again, public health officials did not anticipate that the primary factor leading to increased COVID cases in Africa would be a more contagious version of the virus, once again shifting our attention from dilapidated health infrastructure to public health questions that transcend expected disaster.

An appeal to the African tragedy is never about the fundamental causes of poverty, lack of infrastructure, or corruption. These factors cannot be addressed by more aid and development interventions. Solutions to these public health problems demand a fundamental restructuring of the economic and political order. Mudimbe expresses how the othering of Africa is an inexorable feature in the invention of Africa.

To make these issues salient, however, is to share accountability for the African tragedy with the international community. We will be publishing a series of posts from their site once a week. The Kenyan middle classes cannot anymore claim to sit on the fence. We are either for the current unacceptable and unsustainable status quo or we are the vanguard of transformative change. A class analysis of Kenyan society is a complex matter and not the object here, but a few issues need clarifying before I give the reasons why I believe the Kenyan middle class must support the struggle to implement the constitution and why it is in their interest to do so.

In Kiswahili we have the word tabaka which also means social classes. Foreign ruling classes that rule the world have been called mabeberu, makabaila, mabwenyenye, wanyonyaji, wavuna jasho. Nationally we have our own walala hai those who sleep alive , walala heri those who sleep okay and walala hoi those who sleep tired and hungry. Walala hai are also known as wavuna jasho exploiters.

Walala hai are agents of foreign interests. Walala heri have strata or layers: the upper middle class, the middle middle class, and lower middle class. While the first layer seeks to join the walala hai, the middle middle class is for the most part generally comfortable with its class position. But the lower middle class is always conscious of the possibility of falling back into the ranks of the walala hoi , the working classes.

Philosophers have blamed this situation on the opportunism of the middle classes in matters of transformation and revolution. Indeed, it has been argued that the middle classes never participate in transformative and revolutionary movements until victories have been secured. Playing it comfortable and playing it safe.

One of my friends, Professor Luis Franceschi, has this metaphor about the middle classes and their role in revolutions:. A matchstick is not lit by the wood, or by its rear end, but by its head; the head is the igniter. Those are the igniters. Those are the ones educated enough to be uncomfortable, and comfortable enough to have something to lose.

By igniting, they risk it all, they go all the way and in doing so they turn old habits into ashes and pull along the masses. The masses are also educators of the middle classes and the educated. Transformative and revolutionary leaders do also come from self-educated working class people and from the foot soldiers of social reforms and revolutions.

Revolutionaries also come from self-educated prisoners. Malcolm X is a striking example of this latter breed. My friend Luis, whom I have quoted, has in mind organic intellectuals who are essential auxiliaries of transformative and revolutionary movements. Indeed, this is a special category of public intellectuals; not all public intellectuals are organic intellectuals. The constitution is founded on a number of major pillars.

The vision and objectives of the constitution are progressive. In particular, the values and principles laid out in Article 10 — patriotism, national unity, sharing and devolution of power, the rule of law, democracy, participation of the people, human dignity, equity, social justice, inclusiveness, equality, human rights, non-discrimination, protection of the marginalised, good governance, integrity, transparency and accountability and sustainable development — signal a future that is different from our colonial and post-colonial past.

In the preamble to our constitution, we acknowledge the supremacy of the Almighty God of all creation and our right to freely practice our various faiths, with Jesus, Mohammed, Buddha and other religious figureheads as our role models. Ours is one of the most progressive bills of rights that protects the whole gamut of our civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights.

The constitution decrees strong and independent institutions to act as strong checks and balances and guarantee good governance and democracy for all. Juu kabisa! Na Moi? The constitution decrees accountability and transparency in security and financial matters and there are provisions for how we incur our national debt.

We are compelled by the constitution to organise politics around ideologies and issues and not divisions of race, gender, ethnicity, religion, region, generation, clan, occupation, and xenophobia. Without a doubt, the constitution recognises the sovereignty of the Kenyan people as supreme and their participation in societal matters is decreed. If implemented, Chapter 6 on leadership and integrity will give us a social, economic, religious, spiritual, and political leadership that leads us to our vision of a better society.

The constitution has a vision of the equitable distribution of land and national resources. In mitigating the land issue — at the heart of our social, economic, cultural, spiritual, and political problems — the constitution gives us the hope that access to land will be possible to ensure the right to food for all.

Collectively these pillars guarantee stability, peace, prosperity, egalitarianism, justice, freedom, ecological safety, non-militarism, democracy, alternative leadership, electoral justice and an end to civil strife. They lay a very solid basis for mitigating the weaknesses of the constitution.

Our national resources will be held in trust for us and we will stop subsidising the state by supporting others through charity or social justice philanthropy because the state and the political leadership have stolen, wasted, or mortgaged these resources. In particular, the middle classes will be relieved of a tremendous financial burden when public goods that include education, health the right to the highest attainable standard of health including reproductive healthcare , a clean and healthy environment, food freedom from hunger, and access to adequate food of an acceptable quality , water clean and safe and in adequate quantities , and social security, are progressively realised.

The ultimate vision of the constitution is to de-commodify and de-privatise these public goods. There will never be a progressive realisation of these public goods if resources continue to be wasted and stolen and if we cannot pay off our sovereign debt.

For those who want to contest for political power, if the constitution is implemented, electoral justice will be assured and campaigns will not be run on the basis of how much money a candidate has. Political parties will be institutions that are not owned by ethnic barons and their cartels, national and foreign. Contesting for political power is important for an alternative political leadership to emerge that can be entrusted with the implementation of the constitution.

The constitution gives all Kenyans rights. It ends the politics of revenge and vindictiveness and protects Kenyans who, although in league with foreign interests, are robbed by them. It is important to state this because we know of Kenyans who own properties abroad who have been denied visas by the governments of those countries.

Faced with a dazzling amount of wealth showcased by religious, economic and political leaders alike, young and unemployed men increasingly put their hopes on gambling. Trying to imitate what they perceive as a magical shortcut to unimaginable wealth, so the story goes, they become foolish puppets of a global capitalist system that they often know little about and have to face the dire consequences of their foolish behaviour.

After spending several months with gamblers both in rural as well as urban Kenya, I can only conclude that this story fails to portray reality in its complexity see Schmidt While it is undeniable that some gamblers attempt to imitate the acquisition of a form of wealth that they perceive as resulting from a quick-to-riches scheme, a considerable number of Kenyan gamblers do not. In contrast, they portray and enact gambling as a legitimate and transparent attempt to make ends meet in an economy that does not offer them any other stable employment or income.

They see betting as a form of work they can engage in without being connected to the national political or economic middle class or elite, i. In other words, I interpret gambling as directed against what gamblers perceive as a nepotistic and kleptocratic state capitalism, i.

Before I substantiate this assumption, let me briefly offer some background information on the boom of sports betting in Kenya which can only be understood if one takes into account the rise of mobile money. The mobile money transfer service Mpesa was introduced in and has since changed the lives of millions of Kenyans. Accessible with any mobile phone, customers can use it to store and withdraw money from Mpesa agents all over the country, send money to friends and family members as well as pay for goods and services.

A whole industry of lending and saving apps and sports betting companies has evolved around this new financial infrastructure. Many, and especially young, male Kenyans, bet regularly. Both journalistic and academic work that understand these activities as irresponsible and addictive had previously primed my perception. Hence, I was surprised by how gamblers frame their betting activities as based upon knowledge and by how they enacted gambling as a domestic, reproductive activity that demands careful planning.

They consider betting as a meticulously executed form of work whose attraction partly results from its detachment from and even opposition to Kenyan politics for example, almost all gamblers avoid betting on Kenyan football games as they believe they are rigged and implicated in local politics. Put differently, the gamblers I interacted with understand their betting activities as directed against a kleptocratic capitalist state whose true nature has been, according to my interlocutors, once more revealed by the proposal to tax gambling in Kenya.

Two of my ethnographic observations can illustrate and substantiate this claim, the first being a result of paying close attention to the ways gamblers speak and the second one a result of observing how they act. Spending my days with gamblers, I realized that they use words that are borrowed from the sphere of cooking and general well-being when they talk about betting in their mother tongue Dholuo.

This interpenetration of two spheres that are kept apart or considered to be mutually exclusive in many descriptions of gambling practices sparked my interest and I began to wonder what these linguistic overlaps mean for a wider understanding of the relation between gambling and the ways in which young, mostly male Kenyans try to make ends meet in their daily lives.

Daniel Okech, a year-old Master of Business Administration worked on a tight schedule. When he did not have to attend a university class during the mornings which he considered not very promising anyway, he worked through websites that offered detailed statistical data on the current and past performances of football teams and players. These ranged from the English Premier League to the football league of Finland e.

Even though betting is based upon knowledge, habitual adaptations and skills, it rarely leads to a stable income. With regard to the effects it has, betting appears to be almost as bad as any other job and Daniel does not miscalculate the statistical probabilities of football bets. He knows that multi-bets of fifteen or more rarely go through and that winning such a bet remains extraordinarily improbable.

For young men in Nairobi, one could argue, betting on football games is what planting maize is for older women in arid areas of Western Kenya in the era of global climate change: an activity perfected by years of practice and backed up by knowledge, but still highly dependent on external and uncontrollable factors. It is rather one of the few ways in which they can control the conditions of their type of work and daily work routine while at the same time accepting and to a certain extent even taming the volatility of the world surrounding them.

Gamblers do not frame their betting activities in analogy with the quick-to-riches schemes they understand to lie behind the suspicious wealth of economic, political and religious leaders.

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Fast website Live casino. Fast payouts Unique jackpot. Multibet bonus Virtual sports. Enjoyable virtual games Fast app. Win bonus Good jackpot. Covers many markets Good odds. Multiple freebets Second chance refunds. Username or Email. Log In. It showed how the betting companies are corrupting public officials, their tax avoiding strategies and how many young Kenyans are becoming addicted to betting. It should be clear to everyone why these individuals or groups do not want the story out.

As we work to resolve this, it is our considered view that the action taken by Digital Ocean has called into question our integrity as a globally recognised reputable investigative news website and we are conferring with our lawyers on all the best possible ways to respond appropriately to this very offending attack on us. We have collaborated with them recently and have also received funding for investigations under the Money Trail project. Not long after the bogus complain from the impersonator of Lionel, we received another complaint from very likely the same persons or person impersonating Paul Wafula and The Nation newspaper.

The said blog mimicked The Nation newspaper by calling itself the Dailynationreport. This attempt to silence us, obviously by perpetrators in the betting industry, which is well known to be ruining lives in Africa and siphoning millions of dollars in elaborate tax avoidance schemes, will not stand.

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